Monday, June 6, 2016

CHAPTER43 Roman Republic's Civil Wars



Roman Senate

Roman Republic's Civil Wars and End


Slavery and Rome's First Servile (slave) War

With a growing supply of slaves, on some days in Rome thousands of them might be put on the market. They were forced to stand naked with a placard around their neck to advertise their qualities, and their flesh was inspected and felt. For a pretty boy or girl a Roman might have to pay more, but a Sardinian, Gaul or Spaniard cost very little – far less than it cost to breed a slave.
Plantation owners placed male slaves in barracks or housed them in underground dungeons, leaving them separated from their families they might never see again. These slaves worked in gangs ordered about by men with lashes. They were chained at night. They could be killed by their master without the master suffering any punishment, but if a slave killed a master a number of them could be held accountable and put to death.

To appear affluent, a Roman family had to have at least ten slaves. Families had slaves for just about every task. And the power that a master and his family had over their domestic slaves encouraged some slaves to wheedle their way into favor through flattery or sexual favors.
Most Romans saw slavery as a natural part of life, a result of their being favored by the gods and defeat and slavery as the fate of inferior peoples. For some Romans, looking at a creature more wretched than they bolstered their pride, and many Romans made slaves the objects of their ridicule.

Runaway slaves roamed the countryside, surviving by banditry and making travel dangerous. Slaves sometimes revolted in groups, one of the larger of such revolts coming in 196 BCE, a revolt that ended with the Romans executing approximately 7,000 of them. A generation later the Romans crushed another rebellion, involving around 4,000.

In 135 BCE, about 400 slaves in Sicily revolted after being encouraged to do so by a slave-priest from Syria named Eunus, who had announced favor from the gods. Historians call this the First Servile War. The slaves massacred most of their masters, sparing only a few who had been most humane to them. This uprising encouraged other slaves in Sicily, and as many as 60,000 joined the revolt. They seized a number of Sicilian towns, and they defeated the first of the armies that Rome sent against them.
Slave unrest intensified on the eastern side of the Adriatic Sea. There, inPergamum, slave unrest was accompanied by a wider social unrest. The king, Attalus III, near death and childless, willed his empire to Rome, believing perhaps that only Rome would be able to maintain law and order there. And when Attalus died in 133, Rome accepted Pergamum as its inheritance. Before Rome established its rule there, someone claimed the throne as the legitimate successor to Attalus. This was Aristonicus, who took the name Eumenes III. He appealed to slaves and serfs in a common cause against Roman authority. Eumenes III warred against Rome's allies to his northeast and east in Asia Minor – the rulers of Pontus, neighboring Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and Cappadocia – and he easily defeated them.
In Sicily, after three years of struggle, the Romans finally broke the back of the slave uprising there, leaving them only mopping up operations. Roman legions went to Asia Minor where they defeated Eumenes and isolated him in Caria. Eumenes surrendered, and, in the year 129, the Romans took him and the treasure of Pergamum's ruling family to Rome, where Eumenes III was paraded through the streets, thrown into prison and executed by strangulation



Violence against the Gracchi Brothers

133 BCE, Tiberius Gracchus was elected by a people's assembly (Comitus Plebis) as one of ten tribunes. He was a military veteran known for his bravery, and he had an enthusiastic following among Rome's urban poor. He was from one of Rome's most prestigious families and the brother-in-law of the brilliant General Scipio, under whom he had served. But he complained that those who had borne arms for their country enjoyed nothing more than air and light and that they had fought and died to maintain the luxury and wealth of others. He spoke of the restless poor being a threat to political stability and complained that the small farmer, who had been the backbone of the republic, was disappearing – their farms often going bankrupt and bought by those with wealth. Tiberius claimed that for justice and the safety of all it was urgent that as many families as possible be restored to the land. Restoring land to the poor, moreover, would make more Romans eligible for military service.


Senators accused Tiberius of attempting to usurp the Senate's prerogatives, and they complained about what they called his ambition and called him a dangerous revolutionary.
The conflict over land reform dragged on through much of 133. That year, during Tiberius' campaign for re-election, a riot broke out between his supporters and his opponents. News of the riot reached the Senate, and one of the Senators, also Rome's chief priest, the Pontifex Maximus, quickly gathered a mob that included servants and clients of prominent city leaders. The mob rushed the supporters of Tiberius, clubbing and stoning to death three hundred of them. They found Tiberius, tore his toga from his body, bludgeoned him to death and threw him and the bodies of the other dead into the Tiber River.

It was the first recorded political murder in Rome since the Republic's founding 376 years before. The Senate attempted to legalize the killings: it set up a court that tried surviving supporters of Tiberius, and it posthumously charged Tiberius with having planned an attempt to become king – a most serious charge in republican Rome. Many Romans viewed the Senators as august and honorable men and believed the charges against Tiberius. They reasoned that if Tiberius wanted to become king then he deserved to die. Many others believed the charges against Tiberius were false and that he had died for the common people. The court found some of Tiberius' followers guilty of having supported Tiberius and had them executed. Then, concerned with public opinion, the Senate sent thePontifex Maximus to the East, ostensibly on business but in fact into exile.

The younger brother of Tiberius was elected tribune annually in the years 123 and 122, and he carried on the struggle for reforms. He successfully challenged the power of the Senate by passing legislation that outlawed proceedings such as those the Senate had used to persecute his brother's supporters. The new law forbade trials with the power of capital punishment that did not have the approval of a people's assembly. Gaius sought Roman citizenship for those Italians who had fought with Rome's armies, and for the landless among them he founded a colony where Carthage once stood. Among those opposed to giving citizenship to Italian veterans were Roman businessmen, who feared lost advantage and more competition. Roman citizens were warned that the spread of citizenship would jeopardize their good seats at shows and festivals. They disseminated false rumors about the failure of Gaius' project at Carthage, and they managed to turn enough of Rome's citizens against Gaius that he lost his bid for a third term as tribune.

A scuffle broke out between supporters of Gaius and opponents that left dead the servant of a consul who was a vociferous enemy of Gaius. The consul used this incident to persuade the Senate to create martial law, which enabled the Senate to create an armed force with which the consul could combat civil unrest. Knowing they were the targets of the Senate's martial law, Gaius and as many as three thousand of his supporters withdrew to the city's southern-most of seven hills, Aventine Hill, about 1.8 kilometers (1.14 miles) from the city center. Before the year 121 was over, the consul's army overran and killed them. A reward had been offered for Gaius' head, and he was decapitated. A soldier, it is said, scooped out the brains and filled the skull with lead and then turned it in for the reward: an equal weight in gold.


Reformers, Conservatives and Bloodshed, to 81 BCE

From the years 112 to 106 BCE the Romans fought the Jurguthine War in Numidia in North Africa. A commoner soldier, Gaius Marius, became a military hero leading armies during that war. Then in the years 104-02 the Romans fought blondish tribes of Cimbri and Teutons who had been threatening Rome from the north. In one battle against these tribes the Romans lost as many as 80,000 dead – Rome's greatest defeat since Cannae. Fear and panic swept through Italy, and in Rome frightened people mobbed and stoned senators. In 101 the Cimbri invaded Italy. Marius decisively defeated them, and Romans saw him as their savior. In Rome's annual elections for its two consuls, Marius in the year 100 was elected again as consul, as he had been in 107 and for the fifth consecutive year since 104.
Military heroism, in the person of Marius, was again on the side of reforms. A tribune named Saturninus and his praetor friend, Glaucia, were political allies of Marius, and for Marius they wrote a program of reforms. The program called for Marius' Italian veterans to receive Roman citizenship, and his veterans were to receive lands that had been taken from the Cimbri. Also for Marius' veterans, colonies were to be created in Sicily, Macedonia and Greece. And for people in general, there was to be a reduction in the price of grain. From some opposed to reform came a renewed threat of violence, and Marius countered these threats by calling his veterans into the streets. The Senate vetoed the reforms, and one of the tribunes sided with the senators, preventing the people's assembly (Comitias Plebis) from overriding the veto. But by threatening the Senate with Marius' veterans, Saturninus coerced it into changing its position. Violence was still a major political force within in the city of Rome.
Backers of Saturninus and Glaucia murdered a recently elected tribune whom they disliked, and Rome's business class – the equites – joined the aristocrats in the Senate. The Senate ordered Marius to restore order. Marius was shamed by the tribune's murder. Using his veterans, he had Saturninus and Glaucia and some of their followers arrested and locked in the Senate house for safekeeping. But a group hostile to Saturninus and Glaucia tore a hole in its roof and stoned the two men and their followers to death.
In 95 BCE the Senate attempted to punish those who had supported Marius' reforms, many of whom were Marius' Italian veterans. The Senate passed a law that ordered all non-Roman Italians in Rome to move out of the city. Italians, meanwhile, were becoming fed up with the Romans taking advantage of them. And they were fed up with the imperious attitudes of visiting Roman officials – as when the wife of a visiting senior Roman official had all the men turned out of a bath so she could use it and then complained that the bath was not clean. The Italians had fought alongside the Romans, paid taxes to Rome and shared the financial burden of Rome's wars, but they had been given no corresponding increase in rewards and were without equal protection under Roman law. A Roman soldier could not be summarily executed by an officer, but an Italian soldier could. In warfare, Romans got a greater share of booty, and the Italians were often sent against the tougher enemies. Now the Italians wanted equality, and they wanted their votes to count concerning vital issues decided in Rome.
A senator who supported the Italians, Druses, was assassinated, and when word of his assassination spread through Italy it was a signal to Italians that relief from Rome would not be forthcoming. Various Italian cities increased communications with each other and took steps that to Rome suggested conspiratorial alliances. Rome sent officials to Italian cities to spy and to persuade. In the city of Asculum, in the northeast, a visiting Roman official berated a crowd. The crowd became enraged and killed him and his aides. Fearing retaliation from Rome, the crowd closed their city's gates, and they hunted down and killed all the Romans they could find. Other Italian cities joined Asculum in an open revolt against Rome. And Rome sent its legions against the rebel cities. A civil war had begun, and in the first year of the war, Rome moved to prevent more cities from joining the rebellion, and they did so by extending citizenship to their inhabitants, pretending they were doing so as a reward for their loyalty. What the Romans had resisted before the war, they were now offering because of the war.


By the second year of the war, Rome gained the upper hand. A Roman army attacked Asculum, and it was written that only a handful of that city's 60,000 people survived. Anxious to end the war, Rome offered citizenship to those cities that would agree to stop fighting. Many cities accepted, and the war began winding down.
By now the war had damaged Italy's economy. Debt had become more widespread. Uncertain about the future, financiers had begun refusing to make more loans, and they were demanding payment. Those Romans angered by the money-lenders had begun a movement against usury. A praetor responded favorably to the movement and invoked an ancient law against usury that had long been ignored. This infuriated financiers, and a gang of men mobbed the praetor and cut his throat, and some who had spoken in favor of the praetor and against usury were lynched.


Amid continuing discord between reformers and conservatives, the Senate chose as a consul a man who had become a personal enemy of Marius: Lucius Cornelius Sulla (pronounced SÜ-lah). He had fought alongside Sulla in the Jurguthine War and had been on Marius' staff against the Cimbri and Teutons. He became renowned as a general during the war against the Italians. He was a conservative, dismissing grievances and viewing the political turmoil in Rome of recent years as the product of anarchical inclinations among common people.
Sulla left Rome to take command of the six legions in Italy to stop expansions by a descendent of Seleucus, Mithridates VI, ruler of Pontusin Asia Minor. The appointment of Sulla instead of Marius to fight Mithridates disturbed those who favored reforms. Political violence again erupted in Rome. In violation of a sacred prohibition against a military leader marching troops into Rome, Sulla returned there with his army. He defeated the army that Marius had hastily assembled, and he and his troops overwhelmed others who supported Marius and his political ally, the orator Rufus. Rufus' severed head was nailed up for public display. Marius and others fled the city, and Sulla had them declared outlaws, which allowed anyone to kill them.
As Consul, Sulla decreed that the Senate would have the power to veto any bill or election it pleased and that tribunes would be unable to initiate legislation. Sulla did not run again for consul, and in the year 87, the Military Assembly elected one consul who supported Sulla and another consul who was popular among the common people: a man named Cinna. Sulla and his troops were looking forward to going East again to combat Mithridates, and, before they departed, Sulla had Cinna swear that he would not try to subvert the new order.

Soon after Sulla and his troops left for the East, political violence erupted again in Rome. To save himself from the conservatives, Cinna fled Rome, and the Senate took away his consulship. Cinna raised an army among Italians, and Marius joined him with a force he had gathered from among his veterans and some local shepherds and runaway slaves. To counter Cinna and Marius, the Senate raised a force, but to no avail. Cinna and Marius marched their armies into Rome and they won control of the city. Marius, almost seventy, sought vengeance for his years of humiliation, and he and Cinna sought to secure their standing against any possible future vengeance. Their troops butchered all supporters of Sulla that they could find. They murdered various senators and nailed their heads up for public display while much of the rest of the Senate fled the city. The violence and disrespect for a rule by law that Rome's conservatives had initiated in the days of the Gracchi brothers, Tiberius and Gaius, had come full circle.
Cinna was made consul again, and Marius became the other consul, a consul for the seventh time, as a prophet had told him he would. But the prophecy was apparently only a tease: Marius died after only a month in office. Cinna was left with control of the city, enjoying the support of most of the city's commoners. He repealed Sulla's laws, reduced all debts by seventy-five percent, gave complete equality to Italians, declared Sulla a public enemy, confiscated Sulla's property and persecuted Sulla's family and friends.
In the East, Mithridates agreed to withdraw from all territories he had conquered, to surrender part of his navy, and to pay Rome an indemnity. Sulla restored various kings that Mithridates had deposed, and he punished those Greek cities that had been prominent in their support of Mithridates. Then in the year 84 BCE, two years after Cinna had taken power in Rome, Sulla began his return. He landed in Italy in the spring of 83. Cinna sent an army against him, to no avail. Many of Cinna's soldiers deserted to Sulla's side. Mutinous soldiers assassinated Cinna. Sulla's army took power in Rome and slaughtered 8,000 Romans that it had taken prisoner.
Sulla drew up an enemies list: forty insufficiently conservative or insufficiently loyal senators and a list of sixteen hundred members of the equites. He gave rewards to informers who helped round up the enemies. Men were taken by surprise in their homes, in the streets and in temples. Some were killed outright. Some were dragged through the streets as frightened spectators dared not protest. Sulla had the property of the executed distributed to his soldiers, which inspired some to accuse and attack anyone with property. And Sulla set free the nearly forty thousand slaves of the executed, giving them his name and winning a new source of support and new recruits for repressing and terrorizing those considered enemies of his rule. Then, with dictatorial powers, he sought to undo the political failings of the previous fifty years.



Julius Caesar
ulius Caesar, reformer

Sulla to Julius Caesar

Sulla created a political constitution that he believed would restore order and dignity to Rome. Believing in firm government by leaders of the upper classes, he reduced the powers that had been given the tribunes and the people's assembly (Comitia Plebis) more than a three centuries earlier, when Rome was holding to a spirit of compromise. He gave seats in the Senate to members of the business class, the equites, believing that they too should be a part of the ruling elite. He made it law that one had to hold a lower office before being elected to a higher office, and he reorganized administration of the provinces. He created term limits, making it law that one had to wait ten years before running for another term for the same office. He ended the distribution of free grain among Rome's poor, hoping this would encourage some of them to leave the city. He moved against what he saw as subversive religions, prohibiting what he viewed as magic, nocturnal rites and witchcraft. Those found guilty of performing these were to be crucified or thrown to wild beasts. In the year 79 BCE he retired, and after one year of peace and contentment he died


Spartacus and Slavery

It is said that a soldier from Thrace named Spartacus deserted and become an outlaw, and for survival he joined drifters in bandit raids, and he was caught. For punishment, Roman authorities sold him as a slave. He became a prisoner at a training school for gladiator contests in the city of Capua. And there, in 73 BCE, he and seventy-seven other prisoners and slaves escaped and seized control ofMount Vesuvius, 9 kilometers southeast of Neapolis (Naples). As before, news of the revolt encouraged other slaves to revolt, and they joined Spartacus on Vesuvius – an army of from 50,000 to 100,000. Thus began what historians called the Third Servile War.

The slaves on Vesuvius were too diverse for any one leader to control. Some wished to go north across the Alps and disperse. Others wished to remain in Italy and plunder. Despite their disorganization they managed to hold off the first legions sent against them, which were incompetently led. Rome sent more legions, led by the talented Marcus Crassus, an ambitious aristocrat. He had amassed a great fortune, much of it by buying estates cheaply from Sulla's victims and reselling later for a big profit. He had acquired political position by lending money to young aristocrats with political ambitions, and he had made money by operating a fire brigade in Rome that would rush to the scene of a fire and buy the property at a bargain price before agreeing to put the fire out.





pompey
Pompey. His opportunism put him at odds with Caesar, his former ally. One of Rome's big heroes


Julius Caesar

The two generals credited with defeating the slave revolt, Marcus Crassus and Gnaeus Pompey, became consuls. Their friend, a young aristocrat named Julius Caesar, acquired a position as quaestor in Spain – a position responsible for government finances.

Pompey went to the East where, at the head of an army, he intended to create peace and stability. In Syria, Seleucid princes had been feuding. Pompey defeated Jewish resistance and put that area under Roman authority. Then he went toJudea to end civil war there. In the year 63, Rome annexed Syria and Judea. In 62, Rome annexed Pontus (in Asia Minor), and it put the island of Crete under Roman authority.

Benefiting from an alliance with Crassus and Pompey, Caesar was elected consul in 58. And as consul he proposed to the Senate a land bill for Pompey's veterans. The legislation failed. Back from the East, Pompey's veterans were a dominant force in Rome. Threatened with violence the Senate acquiesced and passed Caesar's bill. Caesar supported legislation that Crassus sought, and Caesar's alliance with Pompey was reinforced by Pompey marrying his daughter, Julia.

Forbidden by law to run for a second term as consul, Caesar won a five-year appointment as governor of Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul. In Rome, news of each of Caesar's victories against the Gauls inspired a celebration. The more glory that Caesar won the more conservative senators feared him as another Marius. They described his victories as cheap aggressions against inoffensive peoples. The death of Caesar's daughter, Julia, ended a tie between him and Pompey. And Crassus was jealous of Caesar's successes in Gaul.

In Rome, a popular gang leader, Clodius, supported Caesar, and he fought for legislation that would give more free food to Rome's poor. His gang clashed with a rival gang led by Milos, a friend of Pompey. A clash between these two gangs in the year 57 left some dead. Another clash in 52 left Clodius dead, killed by order of Milos. Irate supporters of Clodius carried his body into the Senate, where they made a funeral pyre from Senate benches and burned his corpse along with the Senate building.



The Senate allowed Pompey to raise an army to restore order and supress the gangs that roamed Rome's streets. Pompey was delighted by the opportunity. The Senate established special courts to prosecute those responsible for the recent disorders. Milos was convicted and given lenient punishment: exile to the port city of Massilia in Roman controlled southern Gaul. Then, despite its illegality, Pompey won another term as consul, leading one Senator to quip that any government was better than no government.

Sulla's constitutional law was of little account. The Senate passed a bill that called for Caesar to be replaced as governor of Gaul. A tribune ally of Caesar's vetoed the bill. The Senate ignored the veto and demanded that Caesar disband his army and resign unconditionally. Rather than accept an end to his career and perhaps death, Caesar chose to attack. With his army he crossed the Rubicon River, another illegal move. Some Italians and other soldiers rushed to join his forces. Faced with a popular rising and the might of Caesar's army, most of the Senate fled the city in panic, leaving behind their wives and children. Pompey believed his force too meager to combat Caesar and his supporters, and, comparing himself to Sulla, he fled with his army to the East – his place of recent victories and power – in hope of gathering to his side the troops stationed there.

Caesar entered Rome triumphant. People throughout Italy cheered his success. Caesar and his army confronted Pompey in Greece, Pompey having twice as many infantrymen as Caesar and seven thousand cavalry to Caesar's one thousand. But Caesar was brighter and his troops more experienced. His army crushed Pompey's army. Pompey fled in the direction of Egypt. Continuing his policy of reconciliation, Caesar offered a pardon to those whom Pompey left behind, and many of them joined Caesar's armies, while others fled. The young Egyptian king, Ptolemy XII, saw Pompey as a loser and a danger. He had Pompey stabbed to death soon after he stepped ashore.

In the autumn of 47, Caesar returned to Rome to a torchlight parade that included forty elephants and delirious crowds. Then Caesar turned his attention to creating a stable government and solving economic and social problems. He gave land in Gaul and Spain to his veterans. Seeking order, he announced that the revolution was over. He began to create a politics of consensus and a government of laws – but not democracy, which was commonly believed to be an unruly form of government. He banned the gangs that had created turmoil in Rome's streets. He restored the Senate, which now consisted of many new members and fewer aristocrats. And he accepted the title of "Dictator for Life."



Caesar's Reforms and Assassination

Caesar outlined a program for the reorganization of the courts, and for the sake of order he increased the penalties for crimes committed by the rich and the poor. He renewed old laws long ignored against extravagance. He upheld property rights and took steps toward the restoration of Rome's system of finances and the creation of economic stability. To prevent the kind of profiteering that had taken place under Sulla and to ease the burden of debt, he put restrictions on lending and borrowing. He gave Romans temporary relief from rents and began a program of improving housing for the poor. He began welfare reform, reducing the number of those on the dole in Rome from 320,000 to 150,000 (the latter roughly fifteen percent of Rome's population). He ruled that to go onto welfare in Rome one had to wait for someone else to leave the program – a move designed to discourage people from coming to Rome to take advantage of welfare there. And the roughly 80,000 he disqualified from welfare he sent to new, overseas colonies.

Caesar laid plans for economic improvements across the empire. Marshes south of Rome were drained, business districts of various cities were improved, and new theaters and temples were built. He proposed construction projects for improving trade by sea and for improving harbors. He laid plans for a new canal for the city of Corinth. Caesar began enlisting men of talent into public service, and he saw the need for improvement in the organization of municipal governments throughout Italy. He started standardizing and streamlining cumbersome local governmental operations. He sought to bind citizens in the provinces closer to Rome by doing away with laws that made distinctions between them and the citizens of Rome. He gave Roman citizenship to Gauls who had fought alongside him when he was governor there. He created better government in territories governed by Rome, including Judea. He gave Jews there a greater autonomy, reduced their taxes, exempted them from having to serve in Rome's armies, and he allowed them freedom again to worship their god Yahweh.

Caesar placed a learned man in charge of Rome's library, and he laid plans for an increase in government involvement in Rome's public education. He gave Roman citizenship to Greek teachers in hope of encouraging them to come to Rome. Caesar also had the calendar revised. The old calendar was a hodgepodge of contributions by various priests. Caesar was an Epicurean and closer to its materialism than he was to traditional religion. He wanted a calendar that was organized around considerations not colored by religion. He drew from the expertise of astronomers and mathematicians, the result being the basic calendar of today.


Some among Rome's privileged saw Caesar as responsible for an end to the republic, and rather than exhibiting patience or attempting argument and compromise, they opted for a return to the politics of violence: assassination. Like most assassins they had little grasp of what would follow their deed.

Some of the conspirators were former supporters of Caesar who hoped to advance their careers. Some were from families as distinguished as Caesar's who resented his condescending air of superiority. Toward them and others, Caesar had been acting like a parent: chiding, urging them to get along, caring about them all and seldom asking for their opinions.

The conspiracy to assassinate Caesar was led by a former first commander under Pompey, Gaius Cassius, whom Caesar had pardoned and made a legate. Another conspirator, Marcus Brutus, was a senator and a former follower of Pompey whom Caesar had pardoned. He was also a Stoic – a montheistic philosophy about endurance, patience and god's will – and he had a reputation as an idealist. When he joined the conspiracy his prestige inspired twelve other senators to join. Another Stoic and senator, the great, voluble Cicero, was aware of the plot to murder Caesar. He continued to pretend friendship with Caesar while seeing the conspiracy as patriotism that would rid Rome of despotism.
Caesar was preparing to go east to do battle against the Parthians, who were creating trouble for Rome on the border if its empire, and those plotting Caesar's assassination wanted to strike before he left. Caesar had heard rumors of a plot, but he had not surrounded himself with spies, and he knew nothing of whom the plotters were or when they might strike.
On the morning of March 15, 44 BCE, five years after having crossed the Rubicon, Caesar went to a meeting at the Forum to ratify his using the title of king when outside Italy – a title for dealing with foreign peoples who understood authority mainly by that name. As he often did, he went without his bodyguards, but he was accompanied by a rugged companion: one of his former generals and Rome's other consul, Marcus Antonius, a name to be anglicized to Mark Antony.


Brutus believed that killing Antony would be an injustice; so another conspirator detained Antony in conversation as Caesar made his way to his seat. It appeared that people were approaching Caesar, as usual, to exchange words and ask for favors. Alongside a statue of Pompey, someone pulled at Caesar's cloak. Someone else stabbed him from behind in the neck. Caesar turned and wrestled with the assailant. As many as sixty others joined in the attack, wounding one another in the fray. Nearby senators looked on, some of them stunned. Caesar saw Brutus with his knife raised and asked him: "You too my son?" Brutus plunged his knife into Caesar and shouted congratulations to the Senate's leader, Cicero. Stabbed twenty-three times, Caesar fell to the floor and died.


News of Caesar's assassination spread fast in Rome and struck terror into Caesar's close associates, who believed that they too might be targeted for death. With some others, the commander of Caesar's military guard, Lepidus, had a failure of nerve and did not mobilize his troops against the assassins. Two days after the assassination, Mark Antony, seeing no reign of terror, emerged in public with a personal guard that he had organized. Still afraid, he was ready and willing to compromise with the Senate, and he made his now famous speech about burying rather than praising Caesar – his ability as a speaker to be exaggerated by Shakespeare. As the surviving consul he accepted power and spoke favorably of the powers of the Senate.


The Senate was glad to be rid of Caesar but wished to avoid civil war, and in a show of conciliation it voted for a public funeral for Caesar. The funeral was spectacular, with frenzied people packing surrounding streets. Into the funeral pyre women threw their jewelry, some threw their robes, and soldiers their weapons. Foreigners in the crowd, including Jews, joined the mourning. Some believed that Caesar's death was the signal of the end of the world. And some believed that Caesar's assassins should be punished. From the crowd of mourners came the retaliation that had failed to come from Caesar's top lieutenants. Packs of outraged people rushed to the vacated homes of those rumored to be the assassins



The Assassination Fails Politically

The assassination of Julius Caesar failed politically. Enough support for Caesar remained as a counterforce to destroy what the assassins wanted to accomplish – and it would destroy the assassins themselves.
A month after Caesar's death, his eighteen year-old grand-nephew, Gaius Octavianus, to be known as Octavian, arrived in Italy from the East where he had been waiting to serve Caesar in the war that was planned against the Parthians. Octavian (also known as Octavius) had served with Caesar in Spain, and Caesar had adopted him and made him his heir.

Octavian would eventually ally himself with Caesar's old companion, Mark Antony, who was pursuing an accord with the Senate. But that accord would soon end. As consul, Antony canceled the Senate's appointment of one of Caesar's assassins, Decimus Brutus (no relation to Marcus Brutus), to the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul. With Antony's position as consul soon to expire, he appointed himself to that governorship. Still conciliatory, the Senate approved. Senator Cicero feared Antony's influence. He made a speech with an undertone of criticism against Antony. Antony took offense and attacked Cicero verbally. And before the year 44 ended, a war of words was on between the two.


Antony thought Cicero's good manners were hypocritical and stuffy. He saw himself as in tune with traditional male directness and simplicity. In manner and dress Antony was intentionally casual, and he had a coarseness and boyishness that appealed to soldiers. Some complained that he was sloppy in eating and noisy in drinking. Cicero described him as vulgar and as a drunken, lusting debaucher and described Antony's speeches as little more than bombast. Cicero saw Antony's choosing to go to Cisalpine Gaul as governor as an attempt to follow in the footsteps of Caesar, and he accused Antony of preparing to create a military dictatorship.
Antony did now what he could have done just after the assassination: he rallied an army against Caesar's assassins. Cicero called on the governors in Spain, Transalpine Gaul and Narbonensis Gaul to side with the Senate. But these commanders chose instead to side with Antony. The commander in Narbonensis Gaul, Lepidus, had Caesar's best troops, and Antony agreed to recognize him as having equal in rank with himself.

With Brutus and his allies established outside of Rome, Octavian with an army of his own took power in Rome – a military coup that nullified the powers of the Senate. He instituted elections for the two consulships, winning one seat for himself and one for a second cousin, and he abolished the law that had made Antony an outlaw.


A victorious Antony returned to Rome with his army. Antony, Lepidus and Octavian formed a ruling triumvirate. They enlarged the Senate with their supporters, and as a formality a people's assembly passed a law that gave the triumvirate dictatorial powers for five years.
Against those who had conspired against Caesar, the triumvirate launched a massacre as terrible as Sulla's. Three hundred former senators and two thousand equites were killed, destroying much of what had been Rome's old governing elite. Cicero was among those executed – his severed head and hands presented to his debate antagonist, Antony. Julius Caesar was declared a god of the Roman state.
The two most prominent of Caesar's assassins, Cassius and Marcus Brutus, had fled and were in command of armies in Macedonia. In the year 42, armies under the combined command of Antony and Octavian waged war against them successfully, and Brutus and Cassius marked their failures by committing suicide.




Mark AntonyCleopatra

Marcus Antonius       Cleopatra of Egypt


Antony and Cleopatra 

It was agreed that Antony would be the authority over most of Gaul and over all of Rome's eastern empire. Octavian was to rule in Italy and Cisalpine Gaul. Lepidus was left with only the promise of rule in northern Africa west of Egypt. A naval force hostile to this ruling Triumvirate, meanwhile, was still at large, led by the son of Pompey: Sextus Pompeius.
Touring in the eastern part of the empire, Antony exacted indemnities from those provinces that had given support to Brutus and Cassius – despite this support having been forced upon them. He ordered Egypt's ruler, Cleopatra, to journey north and appear before him in Cilicia (southern Asia Minor) to explain her having aided Cassius. She arrived in her gilded ship with purple sails and silver-lined oars, and with her many attendants, and to Antony she exonerated herself. She invited him to pass the winter in Alexandria, and there (in the winter of 41-40 BCE) Antony is said to have reveled in the pleasures of the Ptolemaic court and the company of Queen Cleopatra. Antony left Egypt in the spring of 40, and that year he married Octavian's sister, Octavia.

In the year 38 the Plebeian Assembly extended the Triumvirate's dictatorship another five years. Antony renewed his contacts with Cleopatra. The two apparently hoped to gain from each other, Antony needing Cleopatra's wealth to pursue military activities and Cleopatra wanting to revive boundaries of the old Ptolemy kingdom of her forefathers. Within a year, Antony sent his pregnant wife, Octavia, Otavian's half-sister, back to Rome. Antony lived in opulence with Cleopatra. He acknowledged publicly that he had fathered twins by Cleopatra – a boy and girl.

In Rome, Octavia presided with dignity over Antony's household, caring for Antony's children by a previous marriage and her own. The Romans still associated marriage with morality, and many looked upon Anthony's association with Cleopatra with disgust and saw Octavia as a mistreated heroine. Octavian was outraged by what he saw as Antony's mistreatment of his half-sister. But conflict between them was delayed while Octavian made war against Pompeius. And Antony was occupied by war against the Parthian Empire, an empire ruled by an Iranian dynasty that had wrested rule from the Seleucids way back in 247 BCE and were now expanding into Mesopotamia nand Asia Minor.
Octavian triumphed against Pompeius, which expanded his military to include five to six hundred warships and forty-five legions – a force greater than Antony's. Italians were impressed by Octavian's victory. Encouraged by their response, Octavian began to care more about support from the people of Italy. He promised everyone that eventually he would restore the Republic. Lepidus claimed Sicily, but he lacked support among his troops, who deserted him. Octavian took away Lepidus' triumviral powers but allowed him to retain his position as Pontifex Maximus, and he made Lepidus a tribune. Octavian then began to clear the Adriatic Sea of pirates and to send troops into the Balkans in a successful move to advance the interests of Rome there.

In 36 BCE – the same year that Octavian defeated Pompeius – Antony attacked the Parthians through Armenia. He and his troops arrived at what is now Azerbaijan, and for months he laid siege to its major city: Phraaspa. Parthian attacks on Antony's supply lines left him facing a winter without shelter or adequate provisions. Antony fell back, through Armenia again, returning with most of his troops but losing some 22,000 men in the retreat. Cleopatra met him in Syria, bringing him money and supplies. It took until the year 34 for his forces to regain strength for an assault against the king of Armenia, who had helped the Parthians.
In the autumn of 34, after defeating the king of Armenia, Antony returned to Egypt. In Egypt, at Alexandria, he celebrated his Armenian victory with a grand pageant. Although Antony had been fighting for the Roman Empire, his tarnished reputation left many Romans visualizing the pageant as an impious parody of their traditional celebrations of triumph


Antony's funds were now depleted, and he was more dependent on the wealth of Cleopatra. To please her, he staged a ceremony at which he pronounced her "Queen of Kings," and he distributed to her children the titles that were traditionally given to children of royalty. Antony declared Cleopatra's thirteen year-old son by Julius Caesar, Caesarion, as Julius Caesar's legitimate son and as heir to the rule of Egypt, Cyprus and part of Syria. Antony declared Cleopatra's six-year old boy as king of Armenia and its neighbor, Media. He gave the boy's twin sister titles toCyrenaica and Libya in North Africa. And he declared Cleopatra's two year-old son as king of Cilicia and Phoenicia.
Caesar's son by Cleopatra as Caesar's legitimate son was equivalent to putting the boy ahead of Octavian, who was merely Caesar's nephew and adopted son. This increased Octavian's displeasure with Antony. Antony, in turn, remained upset with Octavius for not having given him a share of Sicily. Antony gave word that he wanted Octavia and her children out of his house. This severed the final bond between Octavian and Antony. A war of words erupted between the two, with Antony trying to discredit Octavian for what he described as Octavian's past acts of disloyalty.


Octavian
Octavian. His grand uncle, Julius Caesar, had adopted him


Toward the end of 33, the second five-year rule of Octavian and Antony expired, and it was not renewed. Octavian professed legal rectitude by disclaiming that he still had the powers given by the expired law. He remained a consul. But Antony continued as if he were still Rome's designated ruler in the East. In the summer of 32, Antony's divorce from Octavia was announced along with Antony's will, which included his wish to be buried alongside Cleopatra. And the will reaffirmed the claim that Caesar's son by Cleopatra was Caesar's legitimate son. Antony, without a formal office, appeared to some Romans as in the employ of a foreign queen. Rumor spread that Antony wanted to make Cleopatra queen of Rome and to transfer Rome's government to Egypt. By now many Romans saw him as a renegade from Roman tradition. They disliked him for wearing the royal clothing of the Ptolemies and for what they heard of his fondness for luxuries.
Backed by opinion across Italy and much of Rome's western provinces, Octavian, as consul, obtained a declaration of war against Cleopatra – but not against Antony. It was to be a war against a foreigner, putting Antony in a position of treason. The morale of Antony's troops was low, and some high ranking officers among them deserted to Octavian. Another war was on, with the advantage of hearts and minds and militarly might to Octavian




Octavian becomes Augustus Caesar


Antony, with Cleopatra at his side, moved with his army and navy to a strong point in western Greece. There, on September 2nd, 31, outside the Gulf of Actium, his fleet met Octavian's. Antony's fleet included 230 large war galleys of eight or ten banks of oars, furnished with towers full of armed men. Octavian had about 250 warships. Octavian's talented commander, Agrippa, defeated Antony in a great sea battle, and Antony and Cleopatra fled back to Egypt. Octavian's forces moved across the southern coast of Asia Minor, and down the eastern coast of the Mediterranean to Egypt. Antony committed suicide. Cleopatra became Octavian's prisoner, and fearing that Octavian would take her back as display for his triumphant entry to Rome, she sent herself as a goddess into the world of the dead – using the bite of what was probably a cobra – death from cobra venom said to be painless.


Octavian saw both Caesarion and Cleopatra's eldest son by Antony as dangerous rivals and had them executed, but he adopted into his own family the other children of Cleopatra and Antony, including the daughters of Antony and his sister, Octavia.


In the summer of 29, Octavian returned to Rome. He was thirty-four and in command of all of Rome's sixty legions, and respected by the legions' rank and file. He brought with him from Egypt a wealth of treasure and two annexations: Egypt and Illyricum (opposite Italy across the Adriatic Sea). His fellow Romans believed they had seen the end of war and strife, and they hailed him as the Prince of Peace and benefactor of mankind. Celebrations lasted for days. Animals were sacrificed to Rome's gods. The Senate gave Octavian the permanent title "Commander Imperitor" – from which the English word emperor is derived.
After returning to Rome, Octavian fortified support from those who had fought for him by giving them some of the wealth from Egypt. He gave them land in Italy and abroad. And some of Egypt's treasure he gave as prizes to the people of Rome.
Thirty years had passed since Rome's republican government had functioned normally, and Octavian considered what the nature of his rule was to be. He theorized that a republic was better than a monarchy, that the sons of kings often became incompetent rulers. He believed that Rome's republican government had helped make Rome great, but he falsely attributed chaos during the republic to the republican system of government, and he decided that although the republic was suited to Rome when Rome was small, it was inadequate in meeting Rome's task as the leader of the world's greatest empire. He believed that democracy could not achieve the political stability that the Senate had failed to achieve, and therefore he remained opposed to giving more power to the people's assembly. He decided also that clinging to absolute power would appear evil. He did not want to appear to be the autocrat that his uncle Julius Caesar had appeared to be, and he recalled that after having won against Sextus Pompeius in 36 he had promised that he would restore the republic.



Octavian was not using his intellect, power and prestige to take Rome into an era of new politics, at least politics that would be respected in the 21st century. Instead, he was moving from where he was as one of the two consuls, with his trusted aide Agrippa as the other consul. He used his power as consul to make the Senate more to his liking. Building on the purge of 43, in which about three hundred senators had been eliminated, Octavian purged two hundred more, and in their place he added some whom he had elevated to the rank of nobility, and the Senate became a body of eight hundred.
In 27 BCE, Octavian began his seventh term as consul. He renounced his consulship and declared that he was surrendering all powers to the Senate and other bodies, including control of the army. It was a bogus withdrawal from power. As Octavian expected, the Senate, packed with his supporters, responded by returning much of his power, claiming that it was doing so for the sake of unity and relief from factionalism and civil strife. The Senate granted Octavian a ten-year governorship over those areas where the bulk of Rome's armies were stationed: Spain, Gaul and Syria. This gave Octavian control over foreign policy, and it left him with authority over Rome's military.
The Senate voted that Octavian be given the crown of oak leaves that signified service to Rome, and it made him consul again. From the triumvirate with Antony and Lepidus, Octavian still held the title of Princeps, which could be translated as Leader (or, in German, Führer). In keeping with his great prestige, the Senate gave him a title that had the ring of his being divinely chosen: Augustus Caesar. And the Senate made it law that he be included in the prayers of Rome's priests. With the Senate there was an appearance of Rome as still a republic, but in reality the republic had ended, not with a bang but with a centuries-long fading away. What was ahead was more of the worse kind of authoritarianism












chapter 42 ROME More Concessions and Written Law



ROME  More Concessions and Written Law


Having won concessions from the aristocrats, commoners wanted more. They went on strike again, this time demanding freedom from arbitrary punishment and other abuses. The strike stopped work on farms and in shops, and to appease the commoners the Senate gave tribunes the power to veto any laws passed by the Senate.
Although officially limited to vetoing laws, the tribunes began initiating legislation. A law in 471 created an assembly of commoners, theComitia Plebis, presided over by tribunes, creating a greater connection between commoners and tribunes. And tribunes were to share authority with the consuls on the field of battle.
By 450, commoner tribunes were serving as military commanders in place of a consul – the Senate wanting perhaps to take advantage of men with extraordinary military talent. Also by 450, the number of tribunes had been increased to ten.

A military assembly (Comitia Centuriata) was created, consisting of both commoners and aristocrats. This assembly was presided over by the consuls. It met to consider the names of aristocrats who would be candidates for the positions of consul, to elect the consuls, to enact legislation, to listen to appeals of those convicted of capital crimes, and to decide whether Rome should go to war.
Bureaucracy was extended. To relieve the consuls of the duty of taking the census, the office of censor was created. There were to be two censors. The census was needed for the collection of taxes and in organizing military duties. The censors learned of the extent of a man's property so that men who could afford it would be obliged to equip themselves with the better and more complete armor of the hoplite warrior. Or, if the census determined that someone could afford the required horse and equipment, he was liable for service as a cavalryman. And commoner cavalrymen were recognized by the Senate as a new class, called the Equites.
To the executive branch of government (the consuls) and the legislative branch (the Senate) a third branch of government was created: the judiciary. This had been urged by the commoners, who wanted laws to apply to them and aristocrats equally. An officer of the law, called thePraetor, was put in charge of the judiciary. He was to be elected annually by the military assembly, and it was hoped that he would exercise judgments independent from politics. But jury duty was to remain exclusively for aristocrats. Only aristocrats had sufficient leisure time for such service, and it was believed that as jurors they would strive to maintain their reputations as men of honor by judging on the evidence presented them.
To avoid arbitrary decisions concerning the law, plebeians demanded that laws be put into writing, and this resulted in the creation of what became known as the Twelve Tables, laws written on twelve bronze tablets. These laws were to be open to legislative change, to embody both precedence and experience. Up to this time Roman laws had been unwritten and connected with religious lore, with aristocrats believing that only they had sufficent understanding of the mysteries of religious lore.


Punishments for breaking the laws expressed in the Twelve Tables were harsh, conforming to strong commitments to virtue. Anyone convicted of slander was to be clubbed to death; a thief was to be flogged, unless he was a slave, in which case he was to be executed by being thrown off Tarpeian Rock on that small rise called Capitoline Hill; someone convicted of defrauding a client was to be executed; perjury was a capital crime; death was the punishment for a judge who accepted a bribe or for anybody who connived with the enemy or delivered a Roman citizen to an enemy. The death sentence, however, may have been rarely carried out. In place of executing someone, the Romans might demolish his house and allow him to go into permanent exile. But for an offense against the gods, the Romans, an intensely religious people, showed little mercy. Vestal Virgins, whose job it was to maintain the sacred fire in the Temple of Vesta, were usually buried alive if convicted of being unchaste.

Roman law recognized the supreme authority of the father within his family. A father could sell his son or daughter into slavery. He could have a rebellious son put to death or, as the Romans put it, sacrificed to the gods. A daughter was her father's property, sold in marriage to whomever he pleased. He could also tell his son whom to marry and when to divorce. Roman law also reflected a Roman harshness toward physical weakness: the dreadfully deformed were quickly put to death shortly after birth, and parents could kill their infant if at least five neighbors consented.
One of the earliest adjustments to the new written laws came in 442 when a tribune introduced legislation against what had been a standing prohibition against marriage between commoners and aristocrats. Aristocrats had been concerned about the purity of their blood – a superstition as old as Egypt's pharaohs 2,000 or so years before, who married their sons and daughters to each other to prevent blood contamination. Speaking before the Senate against this legislation a consul described it as a rebellion against the laws of heaven. He accused the tribune of scheming to obscure or confuse family rank, leaving nothing "pure and uncontaminated." The tribune spoke of the humble origins of the aristocracy's ancestors and claimed that their nobility was not a right of birth or blood but a co-optation. How much this argument convinced the senators is difficult to determine. But in one respect the law against marriage between commoners and aristocrats was impacted by a practical matter: commoner families headed by vigorous entrepreneurs had accumulated wealth, and aristocrats from poorer families had an interest in marrying into these more wealthy families. After much arguing the law was repealed.


Strength after Defeat by the Gauls


By the end of the 400s BCE, the city of Rome occupied an area about 32 by 48 kilometers. Around this time, several tribes of Celts – whom the Romans called Gauls – ventured southward from their homeland to the Po River Valley in northern Italy. They threatened the Etruscan city of Clusium, about a hundred miles north of Rome. Clusium requested help from Rome, and Rome sent three commissioners to investigate. One commissioner asked the Gauls why they thought they could take lands that belonged to others. The Gauls replied that the people of Clusium had more land than they needed and that "all things belong to the brave."
The Roman commissioners joined the Etruscans in a skirmish to defend Clusium, and one of the commissioners killed a Gallic chieftain. In 390 BCE, the Gauls headed for Rome to seek revenge. The Gauls outnumbered Rome's defenders two to one, and the Gauls shattered Rome's spear carrying phalanx formations. Many of Rome's defenders fled across the Tiber River to the nearby city of Veii, and some fled to the countryside. Other soldiers rushed into the city to its citadel, as non-combatants were fleeing the city through the same gates. These gates remained open, and the Gauls poured into the city, where they slaughtered old men, women and children and looted and burned. They attempted an uphill attack on the citadel but failed to dislodge the soldiers there.

For seven months the Gauls remained and fought around Rome. Then they gave up and returned north, leaving Rome in ruins. The Romans rebuilt and gathered lessons from their military defeat. They adopted new weaponry, dropping the spear in favor of a two-foot long sword. They adopted helmets, breastplates and a shield with iron edges. They reorganized their army, putting in the front rank of their battle line not the wealthy soldiers as before but the youngest and strongest.
From the year 367 through the following eighty years, the Senate approved a variety of reforms, including laws that allowed commoners to become consuls, praetors, or quaestors – the latter being money managers connected to various aspects of government or military campaigns. Bills were passed that, for the sake of greater equality, limited the size of lands that were distributed by the state. Debt payment was reformed. And in 326 a law was passed that protected the personal freedom of commoners by outlawing the practice of debtors being made serfs to their creditors.
War in Italy erupted again on the plains of Campania, near Neapolis (Naples). Samnite warrior-herdsmen from nearby hills had begun using grasslands for their animals – lands that people of Campania had fenced. The people of Campania sought help from Rome. Roman envoys went to leaders among the hill people for discussions and were rudely treated. War between Rome and the Samnites followed – the First Samnite War. The war lasted two years, ending in 345 with Rome triumphant and the Samnites willing to make peace.

Rome's Latin allies began making forays against the Samnites. The Samnites asked Rome to control its allies, and Rome called upon the Latins to leave the Samnites alone. Seeing itself as the responsible power in the region, Rome went to war against its Latin neighbors and some non-Latin cities. Rome won these wars. It disbanded the Latin League, and it took land from the defeated and distributed it among its commoners. There was not the slaughter or dispersals that accompanied military defeat elsewhere in ancient times. This leniency, rather than weakening Rome, strengthened it by winning respect and gratitude from its former adversaries.
Rome now dominated all the Latins, and it controlled an area from just north of Rome southward almost to Neapolis. This was a heavily populated area relative to ancient times, and the area would be the the base from which Rome would spread its power and influence over the whole of Italy.


Rome Wins Domination of Italy and Defends itself against the Hellenistic East


Rome used its prestige to regulate relations among various Italian cities. It made alliances. It created colonies, giving land in these colonies to common Romans and other Latins. The grant of land was accepted with the obligation of military service, each colony serving as Rome's keeper of peace in its area. As in Macedonia, the power of a nation was being created. Rome was growing in population. And it was growing in manpower by extending citizenship to people in its colonies and to cities it trusted – to cities with people who wished to identify with Rome's greatness and were willing to go to war as Romans.
Romans fought a series of battles with the Samnites from 327 to 311, when Etruscan cities joined in a showdown against Roman power. The Romans and their allies won a series of victories against both the Etruscans and the Samnites. There was on-again, off-again warfare. At the turn of the century the Samnites decided that they had had enough of peace. They organized a coalition that included Etruscans and Gauls. The Romans had taken advantage of the lack of coordination among its enemies but now faced them all at once.

The Romans benefited from their self-discipline and military leadership. They won a crucial battle in 295 at Sentinum, a town in Italy's northeast where more troops were engaged than any previous battle in Italy. After the victory at Sentinum the war slowly wound down, coming to an end in 282. Rome emerged dominating all of the Italian peninsula except for the Greek cities in Italy's extreme south and in the north along the Po River Valley, which was still Gaul country.
As the war was winding down, the Greek city of Tarentum, on Italy's southern coast, became disturbed by a colony that Rome had established just eighty miles to its north. Tarentum had its own sphere of influence in the south. It had a democratic constitution, the largest naval fleet in Italy, an army of 15,000 and enough wealth to buy a good number of mercenaries. Tarentum had ignored an opportunity to join the Etruscans, Gauls and Samnites in the war against Rome, but belatedly it decided to fight Rome. It gained the backing of the Pyrrhus, King ofEpirus, just west of Macedonia, on the Adriatic a short distance from Tarentum. Pyrrhus agreed to command the combined troops of Tarentum and other Greek cities in Italy, together with troops of his own. Pyrrhus was a former kinsman of Alexander the Great. He saw war against Rome as an opportunity to extend Hellenistic authority over Italy as Alexander had planned, and he saw an opportunity to win for himself some of the glory that Alexander had won. Like many other Hellenistic people, Pyrrhus underestimated Rome.

In 280, Pyrrhus landed 25,000 troops in Italy, including some 3,000 horsemen, 2,000 archers and the first elephants brought to Italy. He engaged the Romans in the Battle at Heraclea, using the elephants to drive through Roman lines, creating panic among the Roman soldiers. Pyrrhus won this and more battles against the Romans, but he found Rome's armies more ferocious than those he had faced in the East. His victories against the Romans came with enormous casualties, giving rise to the expression "Pyrrhic victory."
Pyrrhus tried to win over to his side some of Rome's allies, but without success. Rome's manpower was too much for Pyrrhus, and by the year 275 Pyrrhus felt defeated. Pyrrhus returned to Greece, where he would be killed in another of the many wars that had been fought among those who had followed Alexander as kings.
In 272, Tarentum surrendered to Rome. Rome allowed Tarentum the same local self-rule it allowed other cities. Tarentum in turn recognized Rome's hegemony in Italy and became another of Rome's allies, while a Roman garrison remained in Tarentum to insure its loyalty (trust but verify). Rome was now undisputed master of the bottom three quarters of the Italian peninsula.
But as happened with Sparta following its winning the Peloponnesian War, Rome's success would be followed by vain foolishness.

The First Punic War and a New Spirit for Empire


The greatest power near Rome was Carthage, 240 kilometers (150 miles) southwest from Sicily, on the coast of North Africa, a city founded around 815 BCE by Phoenicians from the city of Tyre. It was a commercial power surrounded by rich farmland and ruled by an oligarchy of men of wealth. It dominated the coast of North Africa as far as Egypt, the southern coast of Spain and the western half ofSicily. And it dominated the islands of Corsica and Sardinia.
While Rome had been expanding on the Italian mainland, it had made an agreement with Carthage, acknowledging that Carthage was the dominant power in Sicily. Carthage, in turn, promised Rome that it would stay off the Italian mainland. Rome abided by its treaty during its wars for the domination of Italy.


On the island of Sicily just across the channel from the toe of the Italian peninsula, the city of Messana felt threatened by another city on the island: Syracuse. One faction in Messana requested help from Carthage. Another faction, apparently distrusting or disliking Carthage, requested help from Rome. Respecting its treaty with Carthage, Rome's Senate chose not to send help to Messana. But one of Rome's two consuls was eager for action that would give him distinction. He spoke of reluctance to send help to Messana as weakness. He aroused the people of Rome, many of whom were filled with pride over Rome's power. The Senate gave in to the aroused emotions of the public, and it sent a force to Messana, violating ithe spirit of its treaty with Carthage. The world was turning – as it would in the twentieth century – on demagoguery and the passions of common people.


At Messana the force from Rome came face to face with a force from Carthage. Carthage saw Rome's move as a threat to its interests in Sicily but it attempted conciliation. Carthage asked that Rome withdraw its troops. But proud Romans called on their city to stand up to Carthage. Some claimed that Carthage's control over the strait between Italy and Sicily was a danger to Rome's security. And, as with the Athenians at the outbreak of the Great Peloponnesian War, there was little reluctance and caution about going to war, including among the civilian farmer-soldiers who would fight the war. With this swagger and willingness to war, a new era was beginning.

Rome chose war, and it brought a number of Italian allies into the war on its side. And, shortly into the war, Rome extended its war goals beyond securing the strait between Italy and Sicily – the "mission creep" that would be common in history. The contest against Carthage became a war for plunder. Then it became a war for driving Carthage out of Sicily, and then a war for all of Sicily. And Rome's enlarged goals would create a war that was to last twenty-three years.
Many of those who fought for Carthage were Greek mercenaries, and the unreliability of these men led Carthage to wage war with minimum risks and half measures. Rome was more aggressive. During the war it built its first great navy, which won spectacular victories, first in 260 and then in 241. With Rome as master of the Mediterranean, Carthage decided that the price it had to pay for ending the war was better than the cost of continuing it. Carthage agreed to pay Rome a huge sum of money and to give Rome the islands of Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia

Despite Rome's heavy losses in treasure and life, its citizens fantasized that they had won a great victory. Many were pleased by the additional prestige their city had gained, and for many Romans victory confirmed that their city had been called on by the gods for a special destiny.
Romans emerged from this first Punic War also with an enhanced concern for national security, and some saw added security in their city having won control over Corsica and Sardinia. It was an early step in creation of the Roman Empire. Roman soldiers were sent to Corsica and Sardinia, and people there resisted. Some of the islanders retreated inland, but Roman soldiers with trained dogs hunted them down and carted great numbers of them to Italy for sale as slaves.
Romans were also concerned about the security of their northern border. They had heard a prophecy that the Gauls would come south again and overrun their city. City authorities allayed the fears of the public by reviving an old religious ritual. In the city's Forum they publicly buried alive a Gallic man and woman. Rome sent forces north to secure a barrier against the Gauls, and these forces extended Roman authority across Cisalpine Gaul as far as the Alps.
Next, Rome addressed its concern for security eastward. Italian traders had been calling on Rome to do something about pirates along the coast of Illyricum on the eastern side of the Adriatic Sea. Rome launched a drive against these pirates, and as a part of this campaign they established friendly relations with numerous small, coastal powers. One of these powers, the island of Pharos, was attempting to expand against its neighbors. Rome made itself the protector of the neighbors of Pharos, and it conquered Pharos – the beginning of Roman intervention eastward across the Adriatic


Punic War II – Hannibal's War



As in the twentieth century, one big war was followed by a second big war. The settlement of the first big war had not been thoroughly settled in the minds of some of the defeated, and revenge was sought.
Carthage had expanded its enterprises in Iberia (Spain) in compensation for its losses of Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, and Carthage's success in trade and mining operations in Iberia prompted Rome to establish an embassy there. Around the year 220 a prosperous Greek colony on the Mediterranean coast in Iberia, Saguntum, was quarreling with neighboring towns. Lacking friendship with Carthage and desperate for an ally, Saguntum sought help from Rome – a repetition of sorts of what had happened in the 260s. Seeing Rome as becoming involved in the dispute, the leader of Carthage, Hannibal, welcomed the opportunity to launch a war of revenge against Rome. More than twenty years had passed since the end of the first war between Rome and Carthage, and Hannibal felt that Carthage could now challenge Rome and that he could succeed where others before him had failed.

Hannibal was as aggressive as Hitler would be in opening the Second World War in Europe. While Rome was negotiating with Carthage, Hannibal sent an army against Saguntum, with orders to spare no male of military age. Saguntum fell, leaving Rome's Senate and the public enraged and regretting that they had not responded in time to help Saguntum. The Romans saw Carthage's attack on Saguntum as a challenge to their prestige, and they matched Hannibal's willingness for war.
The war against Hannibal would be a new kind of war for Rome. Previously, Romans fought only summer campaigns. Against Hannibal, the number of Romans fighting would increase ten fold and they would fight through the entire year. This was to be Rome's most intense war.
Hannibal sent armies to Sicily and Italy by sea. He and a force with cavalry and elephants moved north from Saguntum, across the coast of France, through the Alps and in October 218 down into the Po River valley in northern Italy.
Hannibal won Gauls to his side away from the Romans. He rallied his forces describing the Romans as "a pernicious and rapacious race intent on enslaving the world." Hannibal won at Trebbia in late December 218, his 30,000 men and 37 elephants against Rome's 42,000 and a incompetent general.

Hannibal and his army pushed south, living off the land as they went. Rather than try to win allies among the Italians, he burned and destroyed as he went, and not one Italian city joined him against Rome. He tried to keep himself informed about the Roman leaders sent against him, and occasionally he found weaknesses in these Romans. He took advantage of the untalented consul, Flaminius, who wanted to prove himself to his fellow Romans. Flaminius allowed Hannibal to choose where the battle between them would be fought, and in June 217 Flaminius marched his army into a trap at Lake Trasimenus (see map), where all but the few who were captured were cut down. In the wake of this disaster, in the depressing month of December, Rome introduced a festival called Saturnalia associated with the god Saturn, to spread cheer and lift the morale of its citizens. There were feasts, an exchanging of presents, gambling, games that involved role-switching between masters and slaves, and sacrifices were performed at the Temple of Saturn in the Roman Forum.


Hannibal had another great success in August, 216, at Cannae (see map). There, Rome lost five out of every six soldiers it sent into battle. It seemed that Rome was on the verge of defeat, and now some Italian cities, wishing to be on the winning side, opened their gates to Hannibal. In Sicily, Syracuse went over to the side of Carthage. Macedonia's king, Philip V, offered Carthage an alliance.

Hannibal was trying to wear Rome down – a war of attrition. He continued to destroy Italian lands and to destroy villages that his forces could not hold. To starve Hannibal's forces the Romans scorched the earth in front of his advancing army, and they moved people from the countryside to towns. The Romans plundered towns they believed had befriended Hannibal and beheaded men they believed had fought on the side of Carthage.
Avoiding a direct clash with Hannibal in Italy, Rome moved a force to Sicily. There the Roman general Marcellus beheaded 2,000 of his troops whom he claimed had been deserters. Other soldiers under his command pillaged Syracuse, destroying and plundering treasures that had accumulated there for centuries. A soldier in Syracuse came upon the philosopher Archimedes and ran a sword through him.
In 211, Hannibal was thirty miles from Rome, and Roman women appealed to the gods by sweeping the floors of their temples with their hair. But rather than attack Rome and confront the two armies that Rome had placed before him, Hannibal decided to burn the nearby countryside and withdraw to fight elsewhere. He moved southward, back to Capua. In 209 he had his second battle at Terantum, his 19,000 men against a Roman force of 17,000, has casualities and losses at 9,000, the Romans at 2,300.

Hannibal's war of attrition was a losing strategy. Rome benefited from fighting closer to home and having access to more manpower. Rome also benefited from the egocentricity and shortsightedness of Carthage's oligarchs. For a while at least, the oligarchs feared that Hannibal as a victor and hero would jeopardize their positions of power. They were reluctant to send him reinforcements. But Hannibal was recruiting Gauls into his army, which offended the Italians, who remembered that Rome had been a bulwark against the Gauls.
Rome managed to reconquer Sicily, and it was defeating Carthage in Iberia, at the Battle of Baeti in 211 and at Baecula in 2008. At Baecula the Romans had 30,000 men under a brilliant general: Scipio. Carthage had 25,000 men, most of them were Gauls, led by Hannibal's younger brother by two years: Hasdrubal. After the battle, Hasdrubal led his depleted force over the Pyrenees into Gaul and then into Italy, looking to join forces with his brother. He was defeated on the Italian peninsula's northeast coast, at Metaurus, his 30,000 men losing 10,000 killed and 10,000 wounded according to the historian Polybius. Hasdrubal was beheaded and his head rolled into Hannibal's encampment in the south of the penninsula.
Carthage sent a force to Iberia and another battle was fought there ten miles north of what today is the city of Seville. In 204 Roman transport ships carried no more than 35,000 soldiers to about 35 kilometers from Carthage, alarming that city, while Scipio captured towns and plunder the countryside.
It was the summer of that year that Hannibal was fighting in the far south of Italy around Croton (see map). All of Hannibal's forces were in the far south, hoping to establish a Cartheginian base there that it could trade for a peace treaty. The fighting around Croton continued into 203. Hannibal was ordered to return to Carthage to defend home territory. Ships arrived and he was able to depart safely.


In 203, Scipio, won at Battle of Utica in North Africa, and again in 202 near Carthage he defeated Hannibal. He lost something like 2,500 killed out of 35,100 men, outmaneuvering and slaughtering Hannibal's army of 40,000, plus elephants.
Hannibal escaped to Carthage where he counseled immediate surrender. Carthage sued for peace. A council of twenty Roman priests – which governed treaties with foreigners – went to Carthage to present Rome's demands. The priests called on the god Jupiter to witness that the demands were just. This time, Rome wanted to weaken Carthage substantially. And Carthage agreed to reduce its territory to an area that approximates what today is Tunisia. It agreed to withdraw from participation in the affairs of Iberia, to pay Rome a huge indemnity and to surrender to Rome all but twenty of its warships.
Hannibal's attempt at revenge had failed. Rome wanted Hannibal's head, and he found refuge with the Seleucid king in Syria, Antiochus III.


The Punic Wars Change Rome



The wars against Carthage changed Rome. The Senate had gained in power and prestige relative to the people's assemblies, the Comitias Plebis. The Romans emerged from the Punic wars with the widespread understanding that ultimate authority over the military lay with the Senate, that it was the Senate's job to know, advise and guide, and the Senate's job to decide the question of war or peace and other foreign policy matters.
Rome's second war against Carthage reduced the number of people in the Italian countryside. Men had gone off to war. People had died and people had moved to the cities to escape war. Some people had left the countryside to work in the arms industry, and some had left for Rome looking for subsistence. The new arrivals in Rome enjoyed the festivals and other public entertainment that were created to maintain public morale during the dark days of the war. Newcomers developed a preference for the city over the life of drudgery they had known working on farms. And after the war ended, many veterans from farming families preferred settling in cities, especially Rome, rather than return to the countryside. Cities in Italy became overcrowded, and Rome became the most populous city in Europe and West Asia.


As a result of the war, much farmland in Italy could be bought cheaply. Those with wealth began buying this farmland, some landowners expanding their holdings and some businessmen from the cities looking for a secure investment and a source of social respectability. With the accelerated trend toward larger farms came a greater use of slaves. More lands in the countryside were transformed into pasture, vineyard, and olive orchards – more suited to Italian soil and climate than was the growing of grain. The richest lands were converted to vineyards and the poorer tracts to olive groves, while ranching was the most profitable for capitalist landowners. Holdings that were a mix of ranching and farming grew to more than 300 acres, found mostly in southern and central Italy, the area most heavily devastated by the Second Punic War.

Many small farmers found themselves unable to compete with the larger farms and their more numerous slaves. Moreover, a greater importation of grain from Sicily and North Africa brought a drop in grain prices, and many small farmers gave up, sold their farms and joined the migration to the cities. The wars that began with the minor incident at Messana in the early 260s BCE had brought unintended consequences – as wars often do. Many of Rome's small farmers, who had been the backbone of the Roman Republic, had become city-dwellers living off of free bread and enjoying circuses.
Also, empire had grown. Rome now considered Spain as its possession, and it began what would become a long struggle to conquer Spain's various inhabitants.

Romans had begun investing their money abroad, in mines in Spain, vast tracts of land in Sicily and elsewhere, and they turned these lands into slave plantations. Some of them lent money abroad, at high interest rates, and Roman financial operations became greater than that of the Greeks and Near Easterners. There would be an increase in fraud, against which the Senate would not always be willing to press charges. And those with wealth would import more spices, carpets, perfumes and other luxury goods from the East

Rome's Hegemonic Arrogance



Meanwhile, in Greece popular movements had been raising the old demand that land be redistributed and debts be canceled. Men of wealth in Greece sent representatives to Rome's senate where they appealed for help. Some Romans wanted their city to avoid entanglements in Greece in order to avoid contacts with philosophies they believed would corrupt their fellow Romans. Some believed that rather than go to Greece it would be better to focus on recovery from the war against Hannibal and other problems in Italy and at home. Some others wanted their city to use its power to serve what they described as its interests abroad. A few sought to advance or acquire military reputations. And some believed that Roman military strength backed by their virtues and the power of their gods could improve the world beyond Italy. They saw Romans as the most blessed, capable, wise and honorable of people. They argued for selective intervention beyond Italy as a duty and as a service to humankind and spoke of Rome's destiny and triumphs yet to come.

Rome allied itself with Rhodes, Pergamum and other Greek cities hostile to Antiochus III, who had expanded Seleucid Dynasty rule from Syria and Palestine into Thrace and Asia Minor. Pergamum, since the death of Lysimachus (one of Alexander's generals) in 281 and the breakup of his territory, had become the capital of the Kingdom of Pergamum.
Rome and its allies defeated Antiochus and his allies in December 190 BCE, at the Battle of Magnesia in the far west of Asia Minor, about 40 kilometers north of Smyrna. In the Treaty of Apamea in 188, Antiochus agreed to Rome's demand that he withdraw from Asia Minor. Antiochus agreed to pay a great sum to Rome as tribute; and he agreed to surrender Hannibal.
The Kingdom of Pergamum benefitted territorially from its alliance with Rome and the diminishing empire of Antiochus. Hannibal fled again, a little north to the court of Bithynia, and for Bithynia he won a naval victory against a fleet from Pergamon. Then he was betrayed to the Romans, and in the year 181 rather than let the Romans capture him he committed suicide by poisoning himself.


Those Greek cities that had allied themselves with Antiochus were forced into an alliance with Rome, and they were made to agree to give no aid to forces hostile to Rome or to allow such forces to cross their territory.
Roman diplomacy had been growing devious and self-serving. Rome favored oligarchies against democrats, its Senate never having approved of the authority of the masses. And Rome had begun to create borders abroad that served its interests by being ill-defined – borders that kept various powers at odds with each other and wanting to maintain Rome's favor.
When the people of Sardinia and Corsica rose against Rome in an attempt to re-establish their independence, Rome sent armies against them. Rome did not wish to tolerate any example of defiance. It crushed the uprisings and made slaves of 80,000 Sardinians, glutting its slave market and making "as cheap as a Sardinian" a common expression among the Romans.

By the mid-170s, Macedonia had recovered from its defeat by Rome two decades before, and Macedonia's king, Perseus, allied with Thracian and Illyrian chieftains. He gave refuge to reform-minded exiles and those fleeing debt, and across Greece he became known as a champion of the poor. Rome's Senate decided that it was in Rome's interest to destroy him. In the autumn of 172 Rome deceived Perseus by granting him a truce. As planned, Rome spent the winter preparing for war. And early in 171, on the pretext that Perseus had attacked some allies of Rome in the Balkans, the Senate declared war against him. As before, Rome had complete control of the seas, and its troops slightly outnumbered those of Macedonia. Rome's elastic military formations and forged steel swords proved superior to Macedonia's rigid formations of pikemen and its cast iron swords. In one great battle, in 168, Rome destroyed Perseus' army, and Perseus died in a Roman prison three years later.


The Republic of Epirus had given Perseus no effective help during the war, but because it had allied itself with Perseus, the Romans attacked its towns and villages and carried away 150,000 people whom they sold into slavery. Rome attempted to eliminate Macedonian kings and to weaken Macedonia by dividing it into four republics. Rome forbade the divided areas to have contacts with each other. It demanded half of what the four republics collected in taxes, and Rome took possession of Macedonia's mines and forests. It was the beginning of Roman annexations east of the Adriatic.

With cooperation from wealthy Greeks, Rome moved to extend its authority over Greece. Roman sympathizers among the Greeks gave the Romans reports as to who was anti-Roman, and the Romans deported the denounced people in great number. In helping conservative politicians in one city, Roman soldiers invaded an assembly and murdered five hundred office holders who had been reported to be anti-Roman. From Perseus' archives, the Romans discovered letters disclosing that he had had secret support from high-ranking officials in the Achaean League cities in Peloponnesus. In response, the Romans rounded up close to nine hundred Achaean leaders and intellectuals, including the historian Polybius, and shipped them back to Italy, keeping them for a trial that was never held.

Rhodes and Pergamum also suffered. Unhappy with Rhodes and Pergamum for having made a deal with Perseus, Rome let Pergamum's neighbors attack and harass it. And, from Rhodes, Rome took CariaLycia and the island ofDelos. For Rhodes trade fell as much as eighty-five percent, which benefited Italian competitors. And the sea-going piracy that Rhodes had successfully repressed as a naval power started rising again.

Roman entrepreneurs, meanwhile, were gathering new wealth from war contracts, with Rome spending as much as 80 percent of its budget on its military.




Rome Destroys Carthage and Conquers from Hispania to Greece


In 157 a Roman senator, Cato, visited North Africa and became aware that prosperity had returned to Carthage – forty-four years after the Rome's last war with Carthage had ended. He assumed that this made Carthage a menace and an enemy to Rome. Not wanting to put aside old conflicts, he postured with overwhelming righteousness concerning Rome's two wars against Carthage, and he began ending his speeches in the Senate with the words "Carthage must be destroyed."

A neighbor of Carthage, Numidia, took advantage of Rome's hostility to Carthage by making encroachments on Carthaginian territory and then asking Rome for arbitration. Rome failed to act with the impartiality that might have inhibited Numidia from making further encroachments. And after suffering a number of aggressions by Numidia, Carthage lost its patience and retaliated against Numidia. Rome in its bias saw this as a breach of peace by Carthage, and, in the year 150, Rome's Senate mustered its arrogance and voted for another war against Carthage.

Believing that war against Rome was hopeless, a delegation that Carthage sent to Rome offered surrender in the form of a commitment to "the faith of Rome" – understood to mean that Rome could take possession of Carthage but that the lives of the people of Carthage would be spared and that they would not be taken as slaves. Rome's Senate responded by granting Carthage self-rule and the right of the city and its people to keep all their possessions on condition that Carthage send to Rome three hundred of its leading citizens as hostages. Hoping to save their city from destruction, amid much grieving, the Carthaginians sent their leading citizens to Rome as hostages.

But Rome had already decided to wipe Carthage from the map. Rome demanded that Carthage surrender all its weapons, and Carthage did so, including two hundred thousands suits of mail and two thousand catapults. Then Rome demanded that the people of Carthage surrender their city and move ten miles inland. For the Carthaginians this meant leaving behind their homes, their docks and quays and their ability to carry on their sea-going trade. The people of Carthage preferred war and refused. Rome responded as it had planned, with military operations, which began in the year 149, the year that Cato, at 85, died.

The war against Carthage was delayed as people in what today is Portugal – the Lusitani – were again attempting to free themselves from Roman domination, and so too were peoples in central Hispania (today Spain). Roman legions overwhelmed the Lusitani. Rome offered them peace and land, trapped them, slaughtered 9,000 of them and enslaved 20,000. A new leader arose among the outraged Lusitani and renewed his people's war against the Romans, the Lusitani achieving their first success in the year 147, killing 10,000 Roman soldiers.


One response by Rome to the new trouble in Spain was a change in the calendar.  To give one of its generals a longer season for campaigning, the Senate moved the date of the New Year from March 15 to January 1.

While Rome was busy against the Lusitani and was continuing its war against the Cartheginians, in Macedonia someone who claimed to be the son of Perseus, Andricus, defied Rome by reuniting that country politically. Rome sent an army to Macedonia that arrived in 148 and drove out Andricus.

Rome decided that its presence would be needed in Macedonia to keep the Macedonians in line, and it began a permanent rule and military occupation there, Macedonia becoming the first Roman province east of the Adriatic Sea.

Some in the city of Corinth saw the continuing war between Rome and Carthage and the continuing rebellion in Spain as an opportune time to stand up against Rome's pretensions of authority over Greek cities. If the various people opposed to Rome, from the Lusitani, the Carthaginians to the Greeks, had united in a simultaneous effort to defeat Rome militarily, it might have been too much for Rome. But this had not happened.


A leader form the city of Corinth traveled from town to town in Greece calling for debt reform and opposition to Rome. He described the real enemies of the Greeks as those among them who called for conciliation with Rome. Moderate opinion in Corinth was silenced. In the spring of 146 the Achaean League was persuaded to declare war against Rome's presence in their part of the world. The city of Thebes, resenting Roman interference in their affairs, allied itself with the Achaean League. Across Greece, patriotic clubs appeared and denounced Rome. Athens and Sparta stayed out of the war, but elsewhere across Greece men eagerly joined armies and prepared to fight Rome. Slaves were freed and recruited for the fight, and wealthy Greeks who favored Rome were frightened into contributing jewelry and money to the cause.


Meanwhile, Rome's legions were in control of the countryside around Carthage, and in the spring of 146 Roman soldiers were finally able to penetrate Carthage's walls. They swarmed into the city and began fighting street by street. First Carthage's harbor area fell to the Romans, then the market area, and finally the citadel in the city-center. Amid suicides and carnage, the Romans demolished and burned the city. They carried off survivors, selling the women and children into slavery and throwing the men into prison, where they were to perish. Then the Romans spread salt across what had been Carthage's farmlands. Carthage was no more.


Also in 146, a Roman army went against its enemies in Greece. An army of 23,000 infantry and 3,500 cavalry attacked a leading member of the Achaean League, the city of Corinth, defended by 14,000 infantry and 300 cavalry. To warn others, the Romans slaughtered all the men they found in Corinth. They enslaved the city's women and children, and they shipped Corinth's treasures to Italy and burned the city to the ground

Greek cities hostile to Rome had their walls demolished and their people disarmed. The Romans found Thebes entirely empty of people, its inhabitants having fled to wander through mountains and wilderness. According to the Greek historian Polybius, people everywhere were throwing themselves "down wells and over precipices."

Rome dissolved the Achaean League and had its leaders put to death. Rome's governor to Macedonia became governor also of the entire Greek peninsula. In Greece, Rome would now allow only local city politics dominated by wealthy elites. Any border disputes were to be settled by the Romans. It was the beginning of domination of Greece by foreigners that was last two thousand years.

he Romans emerged from their oppressions as had other conquerors, as agents of their gods and therefore as righteous and honorable